Four Lost Cities: A Secret History of the Urban Age
W.W. Norton, 2021
Core: Cities do not collapse — they are abandoned. What appears from the outside as catastrophic rupture turns out, on archaeological inspection, to be a long social process: residents making choices, leaving gradually, withdrawing their participation before the physical fabric follows. The four cities are four variations on this theme, and the variations matter as much as the commonality.
What Archaeology Sees That History Misses
Newitz’s method is to embed with working archaeologists at four sites — Çatalhöyük in Neolithic Anatolia, Pompeii in Roman Italy, Angkor in medieval Cambodia, and Cahokia in pre-Columbian Illinois — and to reconstruct not the monuments but the ordinary lives that accumulated beneath and around them. The choice of sites is calibrated: each city was “lost” in a different way, abandoned on a different timescale, rediscovered in a different register, and the differences are as instructive as the commonalities.
The Cahokia material is the most valuable contribution. A North American city with a population at its twelfth-century peak that may have rivalled contemporary London, organised around a massive earthwork mound complex on the Mississippi floodplain, maintaining trade networks across the continent and hosting large-scale ceremonial festivals — this is genuinely unfamiliar to most readers, including most American readers. That its inhabitants built a sophisticated urban centre and then left is not a story that fits comfortably into any existing narrative about pre-Columbian North America, and Newitz is careful not to force it into one. The absence of Cahokia from American collective memory is itself part of the book’s implicit argument.
The revisionary framing around abandonment does real intellectual work. If cities are not destroyed but departed, the question changes from “what killed it?” to “why did people choose to leave?” — and the latter is both harder and more revealing. It demands attention to the social conditions that made departure preferable to remaining: the quality of ordinary life, the distribution of burdens, the credibility of institutions. This is the level at which Mumford and Bookchin argue theoretically; Newitz provides the archaeological ground under their feet.
Where the Four Cities Don’t Quite Cohere
The four sites illustrate different processes of urban dissolution rather than a single unified argument about it. Pompeii was destroyed by a volcanic eruption — whatever the archaeology reveals about daily life, the terminal event was external and sudden, not a matter of residents calculating whether to stay. Including it as a “lost city” in the same framework as Cahokia or Çatalhöyük requires the concept of “lost” to carry different weight in different chapters, and the book does not always flag that difference explicitly.
Angkor’s “loss” is partly a historiographic construction. The people living beside the temples knew they were there; the city was lost only to the Western scholarly tradition that lacked the categories to classify it. The framing of “secret history” does some of the same work: the history was not secret to the communities living on or near these sites, only to the traditions of knowledge production that had excluded them. Newitz is aware of this — her engagements with local communities and descendant populations are among the book’s most careful passages — but the framing is not fully reconciled with that awareness.
The journalistic approach — narrative-driven, accessible, personalised through encounters with archaeologists and site communities — serves readability at some cost to theoretical payoff. The abandonment-as-choice argument is genuinely interesting, but the book does not develop it into a framework that could be applied beyond these four cases or explicitly tested against them. It remains a set of illuminating instances rather than a consolidated argument.
Verdict
The best-written popular archaeology of urban decline available, and a necessary corrective to the catastrophism that dominates public narratives about cities that disappeared. The Cahokia chapter alone justifies the book for most readers. As a contribution to urban theory it is suggestive rather than systematic — an honest position for a journalistic account to occupy, and one Newitz largely maintains without pretending otherwise. Read it alongside Mumford for the historical sweep and Bookchin for the political stakes of understanding why cities succeed or fail on human terms.